Is sectarianism an ancient, inevitable force, or a modern political tool for power?

Is sectarianism an ancient, inevitable force, or a modern political tool for power?
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In short: We often dismiss sectarian violence as ancient, deep-seated hatred. Yet, scholars argue this view is a dangerous myth. Instead of being a static condition, sectarianism is frequently a manufactured process—a top-down strategy used by regimes to consolidate power, deflect dissent, and manipulate social identities for political gain.

The term 'sectarianism' is notoriously slippery. While often used to describe long-standing religious or political animosity, many researchers argue it is a catch-all label that obscures underlying socioeconomic and political realities. By framing conflicts as 'ancient'—a narrative famously employed by Barack Obama in his 2016 State of the Union—observers ignore that many tensions are recent, manufactured, and highly specific to modern statecraft.

A more precise framework is 'sectarianization,' which describes how political actors actively mobilize religious or ethnic identities to pursue power. In the Middle East, for instance, regimes have historically weaponized sectarian labels to undermine revolutionary movements, such as the 1979 Iranian Revolution. By branding the movement a 'Shia conspiracy,' regional powers successfully stoked anti-Shia sentiment to preserve their own dominance. This process is not a historical relic but a deliberate, multi-layered political tool.

Beyond the Middle East, sectarianism manifests in diverse ways, from urban planning and street art to sports rivalries. In Scotland, the 2012 Offensive Behaviour at Football and Threatening Communications Act was passed to curb sectarian chanting, highlighting how deep-rooted identities can persist in modern institutions. Similarly, in Lebanon, scholars like Maya Mikdashi argue that sectarianism is inseparable from gender and state bureaucracy, coining the term 'sextarianism' to explain how legal systems manage sexual and religious difference to maintain control.

Ultimately, viewing sectarianism through an intersectional lens reveals that it is not just about faith. It is a complex, lived experience shaped by class, nationality, and gender. Whether it is the 'planting' of Protestant settlers in 17th-century Ireland or the manipulation of sectarian fears by modern authoritarian regimes, the phenomenon is rarely about theology alone. It is about the structural organization of society and the strategic management of belonging.

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